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Anatomy of a Blackout

Last summer’s blackout showed that providing electricity in today’s deregulated world is a delicate balancing act.

ELECTRICITY IS ALL AROUND US, silently performing tasks we take for granted. It is essential for virtually all aspects of modern existence, and we expect it to be available at the flick of a switch. Despite the importance of electricity, most of us rarely think about it, except for the occasional memory jogs we get, for instance, when plugging in a toaster or power drill. But nothing fixes our attention more than those moments when the lights go out, the TVs dim, and the stereos are silenced. Blackouts provide sudden, dramatic reminders of our dependence on electricity and of the fragility of the system that produces and delivers energy to us in this convenient form. About 50 million people got a wake-up call of this sort last August 14 when a blackout that originated in Ohio spread to other states in the Midwest and Northeast, as well to the Canadian province of Ontario, causing billions of dollars in economic losses.

Are blackouts like this inevitable, something we need to put up with? Or do they point to an energy sector in need of major overhaul? The answer to both questions is yes, according to researchers at the Harvard Electricity Policy Group (HEPG) at the Kennedy School of Government. Interconnectivity, which is the defining feature of the electric power grid, can surely enhance reliability, notes HEPG Research Director William Hogan. “The more interconnected the system is, the easier it is to absorb lots of little shocks. The downside is that there’s a better chance of a large power failure spreading over the network.

“If I had a generator and you had a generator, each might fail once a week, but when my lights go out, yours stay on,” Hogan explains. “If I hook my generator up with yours, they will seldom fail together, but sometimes failure of one causes failure of the other. When that happens both of us are in the dark.” Extending that scenario to 1,000 generators and millions of customers provides a sense of the current situation.

The North American power grid is a trillion-dollar empire, more than 200,000 miles of transmission lines in all, linking generating stations to more than 280 million human users. Since electricity is not readily stored in large quantities, the power produced by these plants must at all times match the demand (or “load”), which entails a delicate balancing act: When too little or too much power is produced, blackouts occur.

Further complications stem from the fact that the electric grid — unlike telephone lines or water and gas pipelines — is not a switchable network. You can’t turn a nob and send electricity down a particular path. Instead it flows freely, at the speed of light, spreading out among all possible avenues. “When you send power from Ohio to New York, some of it takes a roundabout path, going by way of Canada,” Hogan explains. “That’s why decisions made in Ohio or New York can cause the lights to go off in Ontario, which is basically what happened last August.”
As experts in complexity theory point out, vast interconnected and interdependent networks like the power grid are bound to fail sometimes, even when things are working reasonably well. The actions taken on August 14, however, fell far short of perfection: A combination of managerial lapses and computer glitches at an Ohio utility contributed directly to the August 2003 blackout (see accompanying sidebar, “Anatomy of a Blackout”), the largest in North American history. Yet Hogan and HEPG Executive Director Ashley Brown, who headed the Ohio Public Utilities Commission from 1983 to 1993, see a deeper cause — a nationwide deficiency in the management of power. The events of last summer, they suggest, are an indirect consequence of the deregulation (or “restructuring”) of the electric power industry and an attendant breakdown in public policy.

Changes in the electric power industry were spurred by the 1992 Energy Policy Act, which attempted to break up monopolistic utilities and thereby reduce the price of power. “The idea was to make electrical generation, distribution, and transmission separate businesses rather than a single, bundled service,” says Brown. The rationale behind deregulation is to encourage greater competition among generators, while offering customers greater choice, adds Hogan. “But there is a problem in the middle: the grid and how to use it.”

Deregulation has promoted widespread shipping of electricity from one region to another, as planned. The catch is that existing transmission lines were not designed to support that kind of activity. The system was built for vertically integrated utilities that sell power to local loads. Today’s challenge is to make that infrastructure work in a different context. New problems, such as line congestion, can easily arise when multiple producers try to sell electricity in the same area. Better coordination can help. Investments are also needed to alleviate congestion — either by building new lines or by increasing the capacity of existing lines — but the market has failed, thus far, to provide adequate incentives.

In most states, Brown explains, “companies recover 100 percent of their transmission costs no matter how well they perform. They still get their money, even if they’re inefficient. So where’s the incentive to invest?”

Expenditure in this area has also been hampered by a confusing split in jurisdiction between state and federal governments, according to Brown. States have the sole ability to license and site new transmission lines, whereas the federal government focuses on how the grid is used. As a result, individual states can veto the construction of new lines that would benefit multistate areas. “Regional markets can’t work properly if parochial interests rule,” Brown says. For that reason, the federal government should assume a bigger role in siting new transmission facilities.

Hogan similarly wants the federal government to exercise stronger control over the operation of the grid, coordinating its use in a precise and consistent manner. Control needs to be in independent hands, in the same way that air traffic controllers operate independently of the airlines, he says. “The government has to set the rules here. Participants can’t make up the rules as they go along.” When a customer wants power from a particular source,” Hogan asks, “how do you do that without burning down the wires? And how do you price it?”

Although the task may seem overwhelming, markets for electricity can work, Hogan says, provided there are rules that explicitly support competition. Successful markets have several vital elements, including coordinated scheduling, “locational marginal pricing” — a mechanism for setting different, but interrelated, electricity prices at various locations — and “financial transmission rights,” which guarantee monetary compensation if electricity is not delivered as promised. Customers purchase power in spot-market auctions held every few minutes, with prices adjusted continuously. An independent system operator — equipped with a powerful computer and a staff of hundreds — is needed to orchestrate this activity.

Hogan has played a key role in establishing viable, competitive markets in the Mid-Atlantic region, New York, and New England, which incorporate these features. “This is the only market design offered so far that works,” he says, while cautioning that even a well-engineered system can be brought down by flaws in another part of the grid. That’s why the approach must be adopted nationwide. Recognizing this fact, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) has placed this same model, called “Standard Market Design,” at the core of its national strategy.

The new Energy Policy Act, which stalled in Congress last fall, proposed delaying FERC’s implementation of standard markets until 2007 — a big mistake, in Hogan’s opinion. The bill itself is a mixed bag, with some positive items — such as a provision to give the federal government authority to enforce reliability standards — along with “some heavy-duty, pork-barrrel aspects,” according to Brown. “Making reliability standards mandatory is a no-brainer. Yet the Bush Administration says we can’t do that unless we allow drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. It’s an ugly process and a bad way of making policy.”

Hogan believes that some portions of the bill, the electricity section in particular, might still pass this year. In the wake of the blackout and a new U.S.-Canadian report that details the problems leading to it, he says, “it will be extremely embarrassing to Congress if they don’t do anything.”

Even if the best elements of the bill are enacted, we’ll never eliminate the possibility of future blackouts, Hogan says. “You can’t design a system with human beings involved that never fails.” The challenge will be to make events like August 14 rare by shoring up weak links in the chain. When power outages occur, the consequences can be mitigated by utilizing technologies that “fail soft rather than hard.”

Deregulation, for better or worse, has facilitated the bulk transport of electricity across the nation. Hogan can’t say whether deregulation will pay off in the long run, but he’s convinced that it’s too late to do anything else. At this point, it would be extremely difficult, as well as prohibitively expensive, to revert to our old ways of doing business, he says. “Basically, we’ve embarked on an experiment where we don’t know the outcome.” While some may find that disconcerting, Hogan sees ample precedent: “All big policy changes are experiments in this sense. When you do something in an entirely different way, you can’t say for sure where it will end up.”

Steve Nadis is a freelance writer living in Cambridge.